In Damascus, Syrian Christians walk the same roads where they spent years longing to be free of Assad’s dictatorship, yet they watch violence against minorities under the new government and wonder if they will be attacked next. csi
Christians in Syria are afraid, a Syrian church leader told CSI in an interview. Though they celebrated the downfall of the brutal Assad dictatorship in December, they have also watched mass killings of other minorities take place since Ahmed al-Sharaa came to power: the Alawites in March, then the Druzes at the end of April. Will the new government in Syria protect Christians and other minorities from violence?
For safety, this interview has been kept anonymous.
After the brutal attacks on the Alawite community in early March, many people were frightened and uncertain. How do you perceive the situation now?
Following the attacks along the coast in early March, Christians were terrified—many feared: “we’ll be next.” But he urges Christians: “Do not be afraid. We Christians are peaceful; we have no reason to fear. The government wants our cooperation; it wants to present a good image to the international community. For instance, they take photos with representatives of Christian churches.”
From the beginning, the military received strict orders not to harm any Christians (in fact, early on, when checkpoints were still active, the cross was like a ‘pass’). This is the official stance.
However, there are disobedient militias that are not under control—they are the ones that frighten us. They are likely the same groups that attacked the Alawites.
The key question: Did the President know these attacks would happen? If yes, that’s a serious issue. If not, that’s another kind of problem.
Fear is especially present along the coast and in Homs, where people witnessed terrible events firsthand. There, people stay home and avoid going out after sunset. In Aleppo, where he lives, fear is more psychological than physical.
How are Christians in the country doing today?
The economy is in terrible shape, and people’s morale is very low. Christians are afraid, as mentioned earlier. However, they find strength in being together. There is much faith—but as a bishop, I wonder: is it real faith?
Some hold on to God with all they have. Others, after 14 years of war, have lost their faith and are simply trying to survive—but even then, they struggle. Some people attend church for the community, for a sense of belonging rather than belief.
In Sunday service, we read the Gospel of the paralytic who is carried to Jesus by four friends. If no one brings the sick man to Jesus, how can he be healed? The Church must be that “someone.”
We have wept a lot, and we still weep, but we do not give up.
That said, I don’t have a family to support, so I don’t bear the same burdens as others. For families, life is much more difficult.
Ahmed al-Sharaa recently signed a temporary constitution that will be in force for five years. What do you think of this document?
This new constitution is problematic—it’s not good for everyone.
- All power is concentrated in the hands of Ahmed al-Sharaa. He is both President and Prime Minister. One-third of parliament is appointed by him directly; the other two-thirds are selected by commissions he created. He cannot be investigated.
- The main (almost sole) source of legislation in the constitution is Islamic jurisprudence. It’s not the same as imposing sharia law directly, but if the people making the laws have a fundamentalist theology, it could be even worse.
- A transitional period of five years is too long. Over time, people adapt to the situation, and this constitution risks becoming the norm.
- Finally, we must consider how the laws will be implemented. A constitution may look good on paper, but if it’s ignored or misused, it means nothing. For example, under Assad, a new constitution was enacted in 2012, but unconstitutional laws were still issued.
Are religious minorities sufficiently represented in the constitution?
In terms of religious freedom, it seems conversion may not be allowed, but free practice of one’s religion will be. This freedom already existed in the former constitution and has been retained.
Ultimately, everything depends on the application of the law. Individual incidents also pose problems. For instance, one extremist might carry out a massacre or post threatening videos online, terrifying the public. Or, in public spaces, people may harass women: “wear the veil,” “sit in the back,” etc. If such events become frequent, they create an atmosphere of fear and mistrust.
Now that summer and the heat are coming, people are asking: how can we dress? (In the past, women could dress normally in Syria.) Will we be able to go to the pool? Or will women be banned?
Do you see concerns that an extremist interpretation of Islam is slowly undermining the country?
Yes. Foreign extremist militias have taken control of entire regions. For example, in some police stations, you may find a sheikh in charge instead of a lieutenant.
On March 28, 2025, a new Council of Ifta’ was formed to issue religious rulings (fatwas). It consists of about 20 sheikhs and is headed by the Grand Mufti of Syria. However, since it is a council, the Grand Mufti does not decide alone. This is a positive sign—it shows some level of discussion and collective decision-making.
Do many still want to emigrate, or have they regained a spark of hope to participate in shaping the country’s future?
Now, even more people want to emigrate—even those who didn’t before.
If it’s their personal choice, we can’t say no. But as the Church, we encourage Christians to stay: they have a unique role to play in Syria, a mission to fulfill. It would be a loss if they left. The Church is made of people—and through them, Jesus works and shares His grace.
Still, we must be realistic. Those who want to leave often carry heavy responsibilities and suffer greatly.
So far, Western states, especially the United States, seem reluctant to lift the economic sanctions on Syria. What impact are these sanctions having on Syria’s transition?
The sanctions have always been a weapon of mass destruction. They kill ordinary people—not Assad, who continues to live comfortably.
We do see positive efforts and goodwill to rebuild the country, but even with the best intentions, it’s impossible without lifting sanctions. Sanctions cripple the nation—goodwill alone is not enough to rebuild.
We are not against Al Sharaa. A power vacuum in Syria would be even worse than the current situation.
Is it a good idea to send Syrian refugees in the West back to Syria now?
Absolutely not. We must wait.
Even caring for those currently in Syria is a huge challenge. Imagine what would happen if more people arrived. We’re already struggling to provide hope and food for those here.
Those who have lived in the West for 10 years or more are used to a different standard of living. Returning to Syria’s current reality would be extremely harsh for them. It may be even harder than for those who never left.
Young people who were educated abroad often aren’t even fluent in Arabic anymore. What language would they speak? There is no work in Syria. No hope.
It would be far better for Syrians in Europe to support those back home—by sending money, for instance. Forcing refugees to return now would be nearly criminal—unless they return willingly, of their own accord.
After the fall of Assad, many people were relieved and hopeful that a new era of peace would begin. Have people become disillusioned, or is there still hope?
I believe the whole of Syria is disappointed. But some hope remains.
In March, for example, the announcement of a new government gave us hope—it is said to be technocratic and inclusive of all parts of Syrian society, including minorities like Alawites, Christians, Kurds, Druze, etc. If this is true, hope returns (even for me!). But inclusion of minorities is essential. Without it, fear will only grow.
